Wednesday, 7 September 2011

The Secrets of Self-Control: The Marshmallow Test 40 Years Later

Ever wonder why your willpower fails you just when you need it most? The results of a new long-term study, which first began more than 40 years ago with the now-famous marshmallow test in preschoolers, may offer some clues.
In the late 1960s, researchers submitted hundreds of four-year-olds to an ingenious little test of willpower: the kids were placed in a small room with a marshmallow or other tempting food and told they could either eat the treat now, or, if they could hold out for another 15 minutes until the researcher returned, they could have two.
Most children said they would wait. But some failed to resist the pull of temptation for even a minute. Many others struggled a little longer before eventually giving in. The most successful participants figured out how to distract themselves from the treat's seduction — by turning around, covering their eyes or kicking the desk, for instance — and delayed gratification for the full 15 minutes.
Follow-up studies on these preschoolers found that those who were able to wait the 15 minutes were significantly less likely to have problems with behavior, drug addiction or obesity by the time they were in high school, compared with kids who gobbled the snack in less than a minute. The gratification-delayers also scored an average of 210 points higher on the SAT...
Continue reading
Maia Szalavitz @'TIME'

Libya's Nightmare Factory

Bill Hicks BBC interview

Another 'Mini-Culpa' from Bill Keller of the 'NYT': On Backing the Iraq War

PJ Harvey wins Mercury Music Prize for second time

PJ Harvey has become the first person to win the Mercury Music Prize twice, with her album Let England Shake.
The record, which was inspired by the horrors of war, was the bookmakers' favourite.
Harvey won in 2001, when the ceremony was held on 11 September, but was unable to accept the prize in person because she was on tour in the US.
Accepting the prize the musician said she wanted to make something that was "meaningful" and "would last".
The 41-year-old, who was the first female Mercury winner in September 2001 with Stories from the City, Stories from the Sea, said: "It's really good to be here this evening, because when I last won 10 years ago I was in Washington DC watching the Pentagon burning from my hotel window."
Corinne Bailey Rae, who was one of the judges, said the panel all agreed that Harvey should be crowned the winner.
"It was a tough decision, but were all in agreement."
The singer explained it the lyrics made the record stand out because they were "really imaginative, almost cinematic".
@'BBC'

Unraveling Mexico's Sinaloa drug cartel

Part 1: Unraveling Mexico's Sinaloa Drug Cartel
Part 2: The Trafficker and the Psychic

Part 3: Clear Skies and Cocaine

Part 4: Showdown in Sinaloa

The Sinaloa cartel was flooding cocaine across the border. The DEA was listening. A four-part series based on hundreds of pages of transcripts from intercepted calls, court testimony, and investigative reports.
Via

Glenn Greenwald: Endless War and the culture of unrestrained power

9/11: Chronicle Of A Catastrophe Foretold

Toryism is dead in Scotland

Murdo Fraser, a contender to lead the Scottish Conservatives, is vowing to disband the party and split from London control if elected. Photograph: Danny Lawson/PA
My proudest political moment remains, aged five, starting a chant against the Tories. Along with 50,000 Scots, my family – then living in Falkirk – had taken to the streets of Glasgow in the spring of 1990 to march against the poll tax. Brandishing a small flyer, I precociously yelled the slogan "Kick the Tories out!" Not that I really knew who the Tories were (other than that they were "very bad people") but the surrounding crowd certainly did – and they repeated the slogan with passion, rage and defiance.
The Scottish people rejected Thatcherism at the polls time and time again, but suffered the imposition of the detested so-called "community charge" a year before the rest of the country. It triggered the most successful campaign of civil disobedience in British history. Millions – including my parents – refused to pay a tax that hit the poor far harder than the rich. Even when the British electorate unexpectedly failed to "kick the Tories out" in 1992, three out of four Scots voted to do exactly that.
Recalling those passionate scenes in 1990, the plans of Murdo Fraser – the frontrunner for Scottish Tory leadership – to relaunch his party under a new name aren't surprising. For most, it is difficult to imagine the Conservatives being anything other than a toxic political brand in Scotland. This is, after all, the country of Red Clydeside; of Willie Gallacher, the former Communist MP for West Fife; and of the hard-left Scottish Socialist party, which until four years ago had six members in the Scottish parliament.
But – despite the country's radical traditions – the strange death of Tory Scotland is more recent than many Scots would like to remember. Nearly half the British electorate voted Tory in 1955; but in Scotland, over half voted for the Unionist party – the then-sister party of the Conservatives. The Tories have the remarkable claim of being the only party to have ever won a majority of the Scottish vote. And yet at the last general election, the near-fringe party status of the Tories was confirmed when less than 17% of Scots voted for them.
It is certainly true that the crisis of Scottish Toryism began before Margaret Thatcher demolished the post-war consensus. In 1965, the national party took direct control of the Scottish Unionists, who were rebranded the "Scottish Conservative and Unionist party". This was a big mistake in a country with such a proud national identity. And as was once the case in Liverpool, working-class Toryism was inextricably linked with Protestantism and anti-Catholic sentiments. Indeed, when Scottish Toryism triumphed in 1955, record numbers of Scots were flocking to the Church of Scotland. But as active Protestantism and the sectarian Orange Order waned in strength after the 1950s, the base of Scottish Toryism was chipped away.
Even so, the death spiral of Scottish Toryism did not begin until Thatcher came to power in 1979. Her governments certainly found ways to affront Scottish national pride. North Sea oil was discovered a few years before the Conservatives came to power, but as Scotland was particularly battered by recession and de-industrialisation in the 1980s, there was growing resentment at the billions of pounds of revenue flowing straight to the treasury in London – no less than £300bn in the past 30 years.
But much of Scotland's passionate – and relatively recent – hatred of Toryism isn't as unique as some might think. It is shared with much of northern England, all of which repeatedly voted against the Tories but suffered from the worst excesses of their rule. Outside Tory England, it was like living under a foreign occupation: my Stockport primary school teachers dressed in black when John Major was returned to Downing Street in 1992.
The destruction of British industry – particularly in the early 1980s – had much to do with this shared resentment. In 1991, the number of manufacturing jobs in Glasgow was just a third of the level two decades earlier. Two years after Thatcher's election victory, Glasgow was 208th down the list of local authorities for economic inactivity; a decade later, it had risen to 10th place.
Northern industrial areas were similarly hammered in the two recessions of the early 1980s and early 1990s. The trauma of mass unemployment under Conservative governments has made anti-Toryism a kind of folk hatred passed from generation to generation in parts of Britain. No wonder, then, that the north-east rejected the Conservatives almost as decisively as Scotland at the last election: less than 24% voted Tory, while Labour – facing its second worst result since 1918 on a national level – won nearly 44%. The legacy of Thatcherism has left the Tories with a glass ceiling of support – which partly explains why the party failed to win the last election despite a woefully unpopular Labour government and the worst economic crisis since the 1930s.
What is unique about Scottish anti-Toryism is that it has fused with a powerful sense of national pride. Because New Labour accepted many of the key pillars of Thatcherism, it was unable to capitalise on it effectively. The SNP, on the other hand, reinvented itself as a social democratic nationalist party that drew on a renewed, anti-Tory patriotism. With a hard-line Thatcherite government back in office in London, the SNP can present itself as the protector of Scotland in a repeat of the 1980s.
The bottom line is that Murdo Fraser can call the Scottish Tories what he likes. The Scottish electorate, however, are neither stupid nor forgetful. Toryism is dead as a mass political force in Scotland, and it is unlikely to ever come back.
Owen Jones @'The Guardian'

Inside the Koch Brothers' Secret Seminar (Audio)

A close-up view of the oil billionaires' dark-money fundraiser and 2012 strategy session.
HERE

SLAB - I Saw A Plane Fall From The Sky


A tale of a seer, a visionary, in a hallucinatory haze, regretting his powers for he has seen what should not be seen.....
while guitars and bass reverberate in walls of sound

I SAW A SNAKE WITH A MONKEYS HEAD
I SAW THE PASSING PLACE OF THE DEAD.....

I SAW A PLANE FALL FROM THE SKY

more new SLAB....

Tuesday, 6 September 2011

Tinariwen - Tenere Taqqim Tossam (Four Tet remix)

Boom Boom Bashment - John Eden VS Grievous Angel (2005)

Chill man, chill!

Deepak Chopra

Iranians hit in email hack attack

Up to 300,000 Iranians may have had their Google email monitored using security certificates stolen from Dutch firm DigiNotar.
The figure came from a report into the breach at DigiNotar which let attackers generate hundreds of fake certificates.
The report suggests the certificates were used in Iran to eavesdrop on email accounts.
The list has been passed to Google so it can tell victims they may have come under government scrutiny.
On 30 August, security firm Fox-IT was called in to analyse the sequence of events at DigiNotar that led to the security breach. It published its interim report late on 5 September.
DigiNotar is one of many firms which help to ensure that no-one is eavesdropping on secure communications between users and the sites they visit.
It does this via security certificates which act as a guarantee of identity so people can be sure they are connecting to the site they think they are.
Anyone armed with a rogue certificate for a web firm or service can impersonate that organisation and get at communications that would otherwise be impossible to read because they are encrypted.
DigiNotar first took action to revoke fake security certificates on 19 July when it found that hackers had got access to its internal network.
The Fox-IT report suggests that the hackers were able to access those internal systems for a month before DigiNotar took action.
The first exploration by the hackers took place on 6 June, suggests the report, and the first rogue certificates were issued on 10 July.
"The network has been severely breached," said the report. It said security procedures at DigiNotar were clearly lacking because the tools the hackers used and installed on network computers can be detected by standard anti-virus software.
All evidence gathered by Fox-IT suggests that the attacks were carried out to help surveillance of Iranian net users. More than 99% of the 300,000 IP addresses known to have connected to Google's email service with the help of a fake security certificate are in Iran.
Fox-IT noted that the use of the fake certificates would also have given attackers access to small text files known as cookies that Google and many others use to recognise regular visitors.
As a result, Fox-IT said: "It would be wise for all users in Iran to at least logout and login but even better change passwords."
DigiNotar has called on the Dutch government to help it recover following the attack. In its wake Google and many others have issued updates to ensure that the fake certificates are no longer recognised.
DigiNotar is the second security certificate firm to suffer at the hands of hackers. In March 2011, Comodo revealed that it had been hit and pointed the finger at Iran.
Now evidence is emerging that the same hackers were behind both attacks according to a message posted to the pastebin website. In the message, the hacker or hackers claim to have access to four other security certificate firms.
@'BBC'
Download rapport-fox-it-operation-black-tulip-v1-0.pdf

DigiNotar Hacker Comes Out

Jay Rosen
Not good for Techcrunch. Not good for AOL. Not good for Arianna. Not good for Armstrong. Or Arrington. Not good...

♪♫ Phanes - Lucky Woman

Little Dragon - Seconds (Syd The Kyd of OFWGKTA remix

Hacking in the Netherlands Broadens in Scope

9/11 Blowback

Leak Offers Look at Efforts by U.S. to Spy on Israel

Can - Bring Me Coffee Or Tea


Spoon Records are teaming up once again with Mute for the 40th anniversary of Can’s classic landmark album “Tago Mago”.
This new edition comes packaged in the original UK artwork for the first time since 1971, and includes a bonus CD featuring 50 minutes of unreleased live material from 1972, remastered in 2011.
Tracklisting:
*CD1*
Paperhouse (07:29)
Mushroom (04:04)
Oh Yeah (07:23)
Halleluwah (18:33)
Aumgn (17:37)
Peking O (11:38)
Bring Me Coffee Or Tea (06:47)
*CD2*
Mushroom (Live 1972) (08:42)
Spoon (Live 1972) (29:55)
Halleluwah (Live 1972) (09:12)
To further celebrate this landmark album, Abtart gallery in Stuttgart (16 Sep – 5 Nov) (www.abtart.com) and Künstlerhaus Bethanien in Berlin (24 Nov – 18 Dec) (www.bethanien.de) will host *Halleluwah!*, a visual homage to Can. Artists have been invited to interpret Can’s pioneering role in composition, sound, playing technique, and group dynamics.
Comprising painting, drawing, videos, objects, and sound pieces that relate to the broad spectrum of the band’s manifestations and to the facets of the collective, including critical considerations of its being turned into a myth, some works will respond to the covers of CAN albums, others will be investigations or continuations of sound into the present, while yet others will simply be hallucinatory bows before these great musicians. For further information, and a full list of confirmed artists which includes Albert Oehlen, Daniel Richter, Malcolm Mooney, Carsten Nicolai, go to: http://www.spoonrecords.com/
All 14 of Can’s studio albums have been newly cut to vinyl from the remastered tapes for release as a vinyl deluxe box set in early 2012. This will include CDs of all the albums, extensive booklets, an exclusive never released live album (vinyl only) and a newly remastered “Out Of Reach” (previously missed out of the reissue campaign). The vinyl deluxe box set will be available for pre-order at the beginning of October 2011.
In addition, there will be a box set, “The Lost Tapes*, will be released in March 2012. Curated by Irmin Schmidt and Daniel Miller, and edited and compiled by Jono Podmore, this will include unreleased studio, soundtrack and live material.
To commemorate the 10th anniversary of Michael Karoli’s death on the 17th November 2011, Spoon Records will offer a Best Of Michael Karoli Edit for free download on their site www.spoonrecords.com
Via

Burroughs 23, A William S. Burroughs Photo Book by Charles Gatewood

Will anyone ever have the conscience to apologise for what happened at Hillsborough?

It is not a tidal wave because what is provoking it happened 22 years ago and, however monstrous an outrage, the business of day-by-day living inevitably dissipates even the hardest of pain and anger.
Yet if all those from Prime Minister-level down who have been seeking to cover up the true cause of disaster all these years, who have bombarded the grieving with evasions and bromides and – as in the case of a letter from the Chief Constable of South Yorkshire to this newspaper yesterday – non sequiturs, haven't known it before, surely they do now.
Hillsborough is not going to go away. It is not destined to subside beneath the weight of government stalling or still another round of police doubletalk.
More than the required 100,000 have now petitioned for a parliamentary debate and who can say it is not the least that is due to the 96 innocent people who died in April 1989?
Probably not Meredydd Hughes, head of the police force in which not one member has been required to atone in any way other than vapid, non-incriminating regret, for the command inexperience and incompetence which turned a football ground into a killing field. He urges us to wait patiently for the outcome of the Hillsborough Independent Panel.
He also explains that his decision two years ago to release police archives containing their version of affairs was provoked by the kind of issues raised by two other items of reader correspondence in The Independent over the last few days.
One was from the father of a victim who was sent from the temporary mortuary, where his dead son lay, on a search of neighbouring hospitals. The other was from someone who, having experienced with his alarmed wife and her friend unruly scenes outside the ground, and some rocking of the bus in which they sat, wondered whether "it is time the mob outside the ground took at least some of the blame for subsequent events."
If you happened to be at Hillsborough that evil day, if you saw how inevitable the tragedy became, if you saw groups of unengaged police officers talking among themselves as behind them a fearful crush built at the gates of the Leppings Lane entrance, if you had been told, as matter of unremarkable fact, that the only safe way to enter the ground was to walk around to the other end, and if you eventually sat down overwhelmed by the powerless conviction that people were certain to die, this last distortion of reality is a freshly revived horror.
This is especially so if you were able to walk on to the field and see the desperate, untutored rescue attempts of those who would later be accused of stealing from and urinating on the dead.
No one has ever said that there wasn't some rough behaviour by some Liverpool fans – but then no one who was there, and had eyes unveiled by vested interest, has ever begun to believe that the tragedy would not have been averted if those entrusted with the care of the people had done their jobs properly.
That, when you get right down to it, is the central conclusion of the Taylor report, which also noted that the end of Hillsborough where the tragedy occurred did not carry a safety certificate for the very good reason that it was so evidently a death trap waiting to be sprung.
One of the phrases you hear most often is that, with the enforcement of safety recommendations made by Lord Taylor, "no useful purpose" would be served by the most probing of inquiries.
A similar argument is advanced for the Cabinet Office appeal against public revelation of reports presented to the then Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, correspondence between her office and that of Home Secretary, Douglas Hurd, and the minutes of the meetings she attended.
There is, though, a useful purpose. It is one of a proper accounting of an affair that goes to the very heart of social responsibility. Certainly, it was guaranteed to shatter a belief in decency not only in the relatives and friends of the victims but anyone who was there to witness it and who consequently did not have to rely on the poisonously confected versions that should still shame all those who inspired them and bought them and prosecuted them as if they held any semblance of the truth.
Mrs Thatcher arrived at Hillsborough the following morning, bearing flowers and platitudes and, yes, it is right that we know, the reality that may or not have been the basis of her public pronouncements.
The chief constable also said: "I strongly urge commentators to await the work of the Hillsborough Independent Panel. Under the leadership of Bishop James of Liverpool, I am confident it will set the documents in a perspective that is helpful to understanding events, and in a manner that respects the victims."
This is not a matter of commentary but witness. If it is evident enough, you do not interpret what is truth and what is a lie. You see it and you know it, in your mind and in your guts, and if the consequences were as grave as they were at Hillsborough it is going to take a lot longer than 22 years to forget.
If you want someone to explain a scripture or an aspect of moral or canon law, no doubt the Bishop of Liverpool is the man. But not on Hillsborough, not if you were there, not if you saw how many people were so carelessly sent to their deaths – and especially not if you still have to wonder if anyone will ever have either the nerve or the conscience to say sorry.
James Lawton @'The Independent'

September 11's indirect toll: road deaths linked to fearful flyers

For 10 years, we've lied to ourselves to avoid asking the one real question

35,000 worldwide convicted for terror since 9/11

Richmond Fontaine – The High Country (2011 - Albumstream)


An operatically tragic tale is told in Richmond Fontaine’s tenth studio album, The High Country. More than a concept piece, the Portland, Oregon four-piece have crafted a song-novel, in which a gripping tale is spun with fully fleshed-out characters, changing scenes, snippets of radio and spoken word passages. It’s a spectacularly unique album.
Richmond Fontaine’s frontman, Willy Vlautin, is a published novelist whose 2006 debut, The Motel Life, has just been turned into a major motion directed by the Polsky Brothers and starring Dakota Fanning, Stephen Dorff and Kris Kristofferson. With Richmond Fontaine’s latest album, he’s combined that story-telling prowess with his songwriting gift to stunning effect.
Set in a rural logging community in Oregon, The High Country is a gothic love story between a mechanic and an auto parts store counter girl, whose secret love inspires an effort to escape the darkness of the world that surrounds them. It’s a world of drugs, violence, madness, loneliness and desperation set against a backdrop of endless roads and the remains of a forest brutalised by logging. In this story of light versus dark, Vlautin has woven a tale where screw-ups and freaks terrorise the lives of innocents.
From stark, romantic ballads and dialogue sequences to raw Northwest garage rock and cinematic songscapes, this album sees Richmond Fontaine’s musical trajectory soar far beyond their cowpunk roots, ably assisted by producer John Askew (The Dodos, Karl Blau).
Nothing to do with Diverse but well worth mentioning to you vinyl fans is that ahead of the album’s release, the track Lost In The Trees will be released as a single. Existing outside of the direct narrative of the album, it’s described by Vlautin as “a song about doing drugs in the middle of nowhere and getting lost,” though the 7” single package does come with a set of documents that flesh out the world of The High Country, including a bumper sticker from KSAW logging radio and a beer mat produced to locate the tale’s missing girl.
(diverserecords)

ALBUMSTREAM

Clegg praises free schools

Well why not have free hospitals and let people set up their own hospitals as well then? Anyone fancy a bit of surgery?

Monday, 5 September 2011

On the Media: A grim reminder of Iraq tragedy from WikiLeaks

Wendy Bacon 
30 yr old ASIO files are public.That's great. But I'm not even allowed to know who spied on me 40 yrs ago. ASIO secrecy laws need reviewing

Full-Disclosure, Unredacted WikiLeaks, Security and The Guardian

Retired police official charged in Politkovskaya murder

Russia's Investigative Committee brought charges today against retired police Lt. Col. Dmitry Pavlyuchenkov in connection with the 2006 murder of renowned investigative reporter Anna Politkovskaya, and named convicted criminal Lom-Ali Gaitukayev as an organizer of the slaying.
"Russian investigators are at last making some progress in Anna Politkovskaya's murder inquiry," said CPJ Deputy Director Robert Mahoney. "They should now build on this and broaden their investigation and apprehend all those behind this murder, including the masterminds."
The Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation, the agency tasked with solving Politkovskaya's murder, said an unidentified person contracted with Gaitukayev in July 2006 to kill Politkovskaya. Gaitukayev, the committee said in a statement, formed a gang that included his nephews--brothers Rustam, Dzhabrail, and Ibragim Makhmudov--along with Pavlyuchenkov and Sergei Khadzhikurbanov, a former police officer with the Moscow Directorate for Combating Organized Crime.
The agency said that Pavlyuchenkov--then head of surveillance at Moscow's Main Internal Affairs Directorate--ordered his subordinates to follow the journalist to identify her schedule and commuting routes, and then shared the information with the other members of the gang. The colonel also passed the murder weapon from Gaitukayev to the suspected gunman, Rustam Makhmudov, the agency said. Russian authorities arrested Pavlyuchenkov on August 24.
Gaitukayev is currently serving a lengthy jail term on unrelated charges of attempted murder, according to the BBC Russian service. Rustam Makhmudov was arrested on May 31 and indicted in early June. Ibragim and Dzhabrail Makhmudov--previously arrested in connection to the Politkovskaya murder--were acquitted by a jury in February 2009. Khadzhikurbanov, who was acquitted along with the Makhmudov brothers, was arrested in April 2009 on unrelated extortion charges and is currently serving a jail term, local press reports said.
Although the Investigative Committee announced that the probe into the Politkovskaya murder was ongoing, it did not say whether investigators plan to bring charges against Gaitukayev.
Politkovskaya, a special correspondent for the Moscow-based triweekly Novaya Gazeta, was well known for her investigative reports on human rights abuses in Chechnya--stories that led to multiple threats on her life. In her seven years covering the second Chechen war, the journalist's reporting repeatedly drew the wrath of Russian authorities. She was threatened, jailed, forced into exile, and poisoned during her career, CPJ research shows. On October 7, 2006, a man in a baseball cap shot her dead in the elevator of her Moscow apartment house.
@'CPJ'

Экс-милиционера обвинили в убийстве Анны Политковской

How Tony Blair was taken into the Murdoch family fold

Tony Blair and Ruper Murdoch at an awards ceremony in 2008. Photograph: Mike Theiler/EPA
It was a relationship that began in political controversy but progressed to a secret family union: Tony Blair, it was revealed , is godfather to Rupert Murdoch's nine-year-old daughter, Grace, the second youngest of his six children.
In a culmination of 15 years of political intimacy, the former Labour prime minister was present at the star-studded baptism of the child on the banks of the Jordan, at the spot where Jesus is said to have undergone the same ceremony, according to an article in Vogue magazine.
With the Murdochs and their children dressed in white – and present at the invitation of Queen Rania of Jordan – the event was photographed in Hello! magazine, complete with an ethereal front cover image of a smiling Murdoch in an open-necked shirt.
But no mention was made of Blair's participation, which was revealed only in a rare interview by Murdoch's wife, Wendi Deng, in a forthcoming edition of Vogue.
Although she has traditionally kept a low profile, Deng's interview comes after she catapulted herself into the public spotlight by leaping from a chair to lash out at a foam-pie thrower who attempted to target Murdoch during his questioning before the Commons culture, media and sport committee in July.
In the Vogue article the former Labour leader, is described as "one of Murdoch's closest friends".
Murdoch's company, News Corporation, confirmed the longstanding link between the two men, although it is not known when Murdoch asked Blair to act as a godparent and how far this predated the actual baptism.
Grace was baptised a few weeks before Easter of 2010, and therefore shortly before the last general election.
When the Jordanian baptism was originally reported by Hello!, it noted that actors Nicole Kidman and Hugh Jackman, both friends of the Murdochs, were godparents to Grace and her sister Chloe.
The involvement of Blair was admitted by Deng in the interview shortly before her husband flew to London to deal with the phone-hacking crisis in the wake of revelations that the News of the World had targeted the mobile phone of murdered schoolgirl Milly Dowler.
Deng, who said she was not sleeping because of the stress of dealing with the phone-hacking affair, added in the interview: "Of course, as Rupert's wife, I think it's unfair on him to be going through this. I worry about him being alone. He has no PR people advising him. He tells me not to come but I'm flying to London for the hearing. I want to be with him."
In July it was reported that Blair rang Gordon Brown to ask him to tell his friend and ally, the Labour MP Tom Watson, to lay off attacking News Corporation over the phone-hacking issue. Brown is thought to have refused the request, although neither Blair nor Brown has confirmed such a conversation took place.
A spokesman for Blair last night declined to comment on the godfather link.
Blair's wooing of Murdoch dates to 1995, when the leader of the opposition provoked a political row by accepting an invitation to address a News Corporation conference on Hayman Island, Australia, in July of that year. Labour under Neil Kinnock had previously been demonised in Murdoch's Sun, to the point where some believed the tabloid's opposition had cost the party the 1992 election.
When Blair opted to attend, he justified the decision to his spokesman, Alastair Campbell, that "not to go was to say carry on and do your worst, and we knew their worst was very bad indeed," according to his memoirs. "It seems obvious," he added in his book, A Journey. "The country's most powerful newspaper proprietor, whose publications have hitherto been rancorous in their opposition to the Labour party, invites us into the lion's den. You go, don't you?" Blair also noted that Paul Keating, then Australia PM, felt Murdoch was "a bastard, but one you could deal with".
The would-be PM's performance at the News Corp event was seen as a clear sign that Labour was becoming electable – and marked the beginning of a long, close friendship between the two men.
Labour benefited from the loyal support of Murdoch newspapers, with the Sun switching from Conservative to Labour in the run-up to the 1997 election, and the Times dropping the Conservatives in 1997 and endorsing Labour in 2001. Meanwhile, Labour placed few restrictions on the operation of either News Corp's newspapers or BSkyB, in which News Corp owned a 39.1% stake, during its time in office.
Support from the Murdoch titles intensified at the time of the Iraq war, and Murdoch and Blair were in close contact through Blair's premiership, speaking, for example, on the phone three times in the nine days before the Iraq war. Information released by No 10 under freedom of information rules also showed the pair spoke on the day the Hutton report into the death of Dr David Kelly was published.
By the end of his premiership, Blair wrote of Murdoch in his memoirs that he "came to have a grudging respect and even a liking for him". He added: "He was hard, no doubt. He was rightwing. I did not share or like his attitudes on Europe, social policy or on issues like gay rights, but there were two points of connection: he was an outsider and he had balls."
Dan Sabbagh @'The Guardian'

Looks like Cablegate2 has been out in the wild since 9 June 2010

(Click to enlarge)
See xyz-magnets.txt
HERE
And as you can see from the above the hidden file was being mentioned in chatter last December

WikiLeaks and disclosing classified information

Glenn Greenwald: The DOJ's escalating criminalization of speech

Europe’s Odd Anti-Piracy Stance: Send Money to the US!

Julian Assange won't be prosecuted in Australia