Friday, 9 December 2011
297 vintage reels of CAN!!!
(Click to enlarge and if you download each pic it will make it more readable)
From Mojo (Jan 2012)
Thanx to John @ Canopener for sharing!
Chocolate Robots - P i Z z A f A c E
This e/mail I got made me laugh:
Hi EXILE ON MOAN STREET!
We’re Mike Giresi, Mutt Giresi, and Marco Giresi. We all work at our parent’s pizza shop and play in our
band Chocolate Robots. Our record PIZZA FACE just came out!
The album was recorded in Sarnia, Ontario mainly by us, using a bunch of old tube and tape equipment my dad had left over from being an Italian singer songwriter in the 70s.
Initially, the album was mixed locally and it sounded like Michael Bolton, but luckily we ran into the Fab Moretti from the Strokes. We went bowling and after the game he kindly passed our music on to Thom Monahan (Devandra Banhart, Vetiver). Thom started working on the record and the music came together. It sounds better than we ever thought it would! Drunk on confidence we got Mark Lawson (Arcade Fire, Unicorns) to mix 3 songs on the record as well.
Here’s a couple videos for Young Luff, and Impossible Princess.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1I_fcTSWQqM
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jIwMMsU-bjI
Thanx guys!
Comrade Artemio: 'we were guilty of abuses and mistakes'
Deep in Peru's central jungle, the last of a generation of Latin American revolutionaries continues to fight the state. Artemio is the only member of the original Shining Path leadership who is still free and alive, and he wants to lay down his arms. After close to 30 years living in the bush and fighting a guerrilla war he says the military fight is over but the political one must continue. Yet it will be almost impossible for Artemio to make a transition into civilian life. The best he can do is to negotiate the terms of his surrender. Terms that both he and the Peruvian state will accept.
Via
Via
Vladimir Putin: A Potemkin election
Putin did not count on a third form of protest vote, as advocated by the blogger Alexei Navalny: voting for any party but United Russia proved a devastatingly successful tactic. A consensus was created between voters of different political colours – western-leaning liberals, nationalists, communists. When it found out what happened, the Kremlin went into a tailspin, and quickly had to make up the lost votes. United Russia's real vote in Moscow was 23.5%, but it came out officially at 46.5%. That means one million votes were stolen in one city alone. So the demonstration on Monday and the bigger one due this Saturday are about a concrete demand: a stolen election.
Thus far, Putin has responded with a series of panic measures. Calling Golos, Russia's only independent monitoring organisation, Judas and the agent of foreign governments is playing the nationalist card. It won't work, because Russian nationalists are by nature oppositional, and people like Navalny are more astute players of this game than the Kremlin. Shutting down websites was also a panic measure, and when they came back online, the flames were simply stoked again. Putin is learning what Mubarak in Egypt and Tunisia's Ben Ali could have told him. You cannot fight YouTube; certainly not after the clips of election commission officials stuffing ballot boxes have gone viral.
But here come the caveats. First, Moscow is not Russia. Big protest movements do start first in Moscow and spread outwards, as they did in the late 1980s. But this is not a snowy Tahrir Square, nor is it Ukraine in 2005. Not yet, anyway. If there were hundreds of thousands on the streets of Moscow, parallel demos in St Petersburg, Nizhni Novgorod, Ekaterinburg and Perm, then it could be. But this is very far from being the case now. The democrats are low in the public esteem, after the damage they did to democracy when they were in power. The opposition is leaderless. Besides, the target of voter ire is not Putin but his appointees. Putin himself has no serious political rivals. Yet.
This political crisis – and let us be clear, this is the biggest political challenge he has faced to date – is as much a result of his mistakes as it is of disenchanted voters. The biggest mistake was to announce he was swapping jobs with Dmitry Medvedev a month before the elections. This humiliated voters, because it made them redundant. This is the contradiction inherent in the concept of a managed democracy, or electoral authoritarianism. Getting the elite to do what it is you want them to do is easier than getting people to vote for it. Elections need votes. Despots rely on elections not as a means of expression, but as an act of acclamation. A dictator certainly does not go to the electorate for a mandate; he believes he already has one. Another mistake was to remove from the elite anyone powerful enough to represent a different line or policy. The elite is unbalanced and only one man matters.
Putin has not decided what to do. There is ample scope for him to make matters worse. He could do this by a combination of more repression and scapegoating. He could turn the water cannons on the next demonstration and organise a show trial of one egregious case of corruption. The other option is to take the message he has been delivered to heart. But this is not without risk. Separating yourself from the party of forgers and crooks will not be easy, if you yourself can be accused of the same thing on a bigger scale. It's his call to make. What he can not do is pretend that none of this is happening.
@'The Guardian'
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