Saturday, 12 February 2011

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Anatomy of a Dictatorship: Hosni Mubarak

History's first verdict on Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak was rendered late Tuesday night, Feb. 1, when thousands of protesters forced the autocrat to vow not to run for office again. The president, they chanted, had to go. On Friday, Feb. 11, after some prevarication, Mubarak appeared to have finally taken the point.
From police brutality to persecution of minorities, from the arrests of journalists to the suppression of political dissent, Mubarak's Egypt has been a textbook police state. For 30 years, anger and frustration brewed among his subjects, bottled up and sealed with fear.
Over the past three decades, Mubarak did not personally torture alleged criminals or beat protesters in the street. But as Joe Stork, deputy director of Human Rights Watch's Middle East and North Africa division, told me from Cairo, Mubarak's repression was simply "delegated to the Ministry of Interior and various security services. At the end of the day, he's the final address for all this." As we bid farewell to a dictator, here's a look back at his ugly history of repression and cruelty...
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Bin Laden's nightmare in Egypt

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Obama on a Historic Day in Egypt

Mubarak's failed last stand

When the Egyptian revolution began on January 25, my worried mother sent me an email asking for background information. One of her questions was whether or not the protests contained an "anti-foreigner" element that might endanger me. I confidently answered that the pro-democracy movement was all about changing the Egyptian government. The protesters might very well consider Mubarak to be an agent of the US - and might promote an independent political and economic trajectory that would not favour the free-market fundamentalism preached by the United States.
An independent Egyptian government responsive to the will of its people would certainly also reject Mubarak’s close cooperation with Israel to maintain the blockade of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, though I thought it unlikely that any Egyptian government would want to go to war with Israel. I do not think I was wrong. However, I totally failed to anticipate that the regime itself would play the foreigner card.
Starting particularly on February 2, the day the regime commenced its ultimately unsuccessful attempt to dislodge the pro-democracy movement with attacks by armed thugs, state media attempted to whip up a frenzy of anti-foreigner sentiment by claiming foreigners had organised and funded the protests against Mubarak. It must be emphasised as strongly as possible that the notion of foreigners provoking the revolution or underwriting it financially is utterly absurd.
The only foreign influence here is the inspiration of the Tunisian example. Egypt's revolution is as home grown as any revolution in the history of the world - let alone the history of Egypt. But propaganda is as propaganda does. For a while at least, the state media campaign seemed to have had some success. One night we overheard one of our friends having angry phone conversations about politics with a relative who was upset by reports of a Mossad agent trained by Hamas fomenting unrest in Egypt. This seemingly bizarre concatenation may actually have been an accurate interpretation of Omar Suleiman's speech from the night before...