Saturday, 18 December 2010

Wikileaks: Barriers to possible US Assange prosecution

The US government will face significant legal and diplomatic hurdles if it attempts to prosecute Wikileaks founder Julian Assange in connection with the massive internet dump of secret US documents, legal scholars, defence lawyers and former prosecutors say.
Mr Assange is currently free on bail in Britain awaiting possible extradition to Sweden on sex crime charges. But the US authorities have made it clear they hope to prosecute him in the US over the release of thousands of classified diplomatic cables.
US Attorney General Eric Holder said officials were pursuing a "very serious criminal investigation" into the matter.
Recent reports indicate the US justice department may be seeking to indict him on charges of conspiring to steal documents with Private First Class Bradley Manning, a US soldier who is currently awaiting trial on charges he provided classified material to Wikileaks.
Yet while Mr Assange has widely acknowledged his role in disseminating classified documents, legal experts say US criminal statutes and case law do not cleanly apply to his case.
And extradition treaties covering the US, UK and Sweden make it difficult to transfer people accused of espionage and other "political" crimes, presenting a challenge for the Department of Justice if it should seek to remove him to the US for trial.
In the past, US espionage law has been used to prosecute US officials who provided secrets to foreign governments or foreign spies who pursued US secrets.
But Mr Assange, an Australian citizen, former computer hacker and self-described journalist, did not work for the US government, has no known links to foreign governments, and operates on the internet, by all accounts far from US soil.
Proof of harm
No single US law makes it a crime specifically to disclose classified government documents.
Were the US to charge Mr Assange with espionage, prosecutors would have to prove Mr Assange was aware the leaks could harm US national security, or show he had a hand in improperly obtaining them from the government.
"That act is a difficult act to prosecute people under, especially someone who might be considered a journalist, as he would argue he is," said Gabriel Schoenfeld, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute and author of Necessary Secrets: National Security, the Media, and the Rule of Law.
In only one known instance has the US prosecuted for espionage individuals who were neither in a position of trust with the government nor agents of a foreign power. That effort ended in failure.
In 2005, two pro-Israel lobbyists associated with Aipac, an Israeli interest group, were indicted and accused of obtaining government information and spreading it to colleagues, journalists and Israeli diplomats. But prosecutors dropped the charges after a judge ruled they would have to prove the pair knew distributing the information would hurt the US.
In Mr Assange's case, lawyer Baruch Weiss, who represented the pro-Israel lobbyists, noted in a Washington Post article that Secretary of Defence Robert Gates has said the leaked diplomatic cables were embarrassing but would have only "modest" consequences for US foreign policy.
In addition, in November Mr Assange contacted US Ambassador in London Louis Susman asking for help redacting information that could put individuals at risk. When the US government refused, Mr Assange wrote he therefore concluded the risk of harm was "fanciful" while stating he had no interest in hurting US national security.
Collusion?
Apart from an espionage charge, the US could prosecute Mr Assange in connection with the initial removal of the documents from US government computers, an approach that reports indicate is increasingly likely.
Pte Manning, a US Army intelligence analyst, is currently jailed at a Marine Corps base in Virginia, awaiting a court martial on charges he leaked classified material to Wikileaks in violation of military law.
The New York Times reported this week that prosecutors were looking into whether Mr Assange had colluded with Pte Manning, encouraging or aiding him in the initial leak.
If he is found to have done so, that action could potentially make him liable as a conspirator under statutes criminalising the taking of government secrets, records or property, rather than a mere recipient or publisher.
"The conspiracy would turn on whether or not there turned out to be concrete proof of real collusion or even direction of Manning" by Mr Assange, said Paul Rosenzweig, a former homeland security official under President George W Bush and a consultant on legal and national security issues at the Heritage Foundation.
But the government would probably want to see more than mere encouragement from Mr Assange, because encouraging sources to provide secret information is what journalists do every day, Mr Rosenzweig said, and courts would be wary of criminalising such activity.
Rather, Mr Rosenzweig said, the government would prefer evidence Mr Assange had given Pte Manning technical help or other substantive aid.
'Leaks rarely punished'
If Mr Assange were convicted, on appeal he could claim that he is a journalist afforded free speech protections under the US constitution - and would have a strong defence, some legal experts say.
"Leaks of classified information to the press have only rarely been punished as crimes, and we are aware of no case in which a publisher of information obtained through unauthorized disclosure by a government employee has been prosecuted for publishing it," wrote Jennifer Elsea, a legal researcher for the US Congress, in a report obtained by the BBC.
Mr Assange's lawyers could also argue in court that the Espionage Act does not apply to foreign nationals acting outside of US territory.
But even getting Mr Assange to the US would prove troublesome, according to Jacques Semmelman, a New York lawyer and authority on extradition law.
Espionage is seen as a political crime, and political offences are not subject to extradition under the US-UK, US-Sweden and UK-Sweden treaties, Mr Semmelman said.
"No US extradition treaty currently in force lists espionage as an extraditable offence," wrote Ms Elsea, the legal researcher for Congress.
Daniel Nasaw @'BBC'
Daphne Eviatar deviatar Now defense spending bill in House reportedly includes ban on transfer of Gitmo detainees to US for trial; not clear how that happened

Friday, 17 December 2010

Johann Hari: Your right to protest is under threat

Hail, Hail, Rock'n'Roll

It was just a day after the 30th anniversary of John Lennon's death that Nick Clegg, seemingly without a flicker of irony, chose to denounce those protesting against a rise in university tuition fees as "dreamers". Well, he may say so, but I'm sure they're not the only ones. It got me to thinking about dreamers and their songs, from Lennon's Imagine, to the Staple Singers' Respect Yourself, via Joan Baez, Bob Dylan, Billy Bragg. It is my fervent hope, in these politically distasteful times, that the songs of the protesters, the songs of the dreamers, might enjoy something of a renaissance.
For the last couple of years, Britain's principal musical protest has been in the form of revisiting old songs in the hope of stalling the X Factor juggernaut – last Christmas of course it was Rage Against the Machine's Killing in the Name keeping Joe McElderry off the top of the charts; this year – as pondered by my Film&Music colleague Tom Ewing, we have Cage Against the Machine, a rather wonderful plot to keep Matt Cardle's cover of a Biffy Clyro hit away from the top spot by encouraging us to buy John Cage's 1952 avant-garde composition 4'33" – a song in which the players are instructed not to play at all. Now some 87,000-strong on Facebook, the campaign's mission statement is simple: "Together," its masterminds insist, "we can make it a silent night on Radio 1."
Cage was a dreamer, but 4'33" is not really silent, nor is it really a protest song. Rather, it was one of Cage's explorations of the "activity" of sound, the culmination of an idea he first mentioned in a lecture at Vassar college in the late 1940s, speaking of a desire to compose "a piece of uninterrupted silence and sell it to Muzak Co. It will be three or four-and-a-half minutes long – those being the standard lengths of 'canned' music … It will open with a single idea which I will attempt to make as seductive as the colour and shape and fragrance of a flower. The ending will approach imperceptibly."
Crucially, Cage was inspired by the work of his friend, the artist Robert Rauschenberg, who in 1951 had produced White Paintings, a series of seemingly blank canvasses (though in truth they were painted with white house paint). The idea was that the canvasses would change colour according to differing light conditions wherever they happened to hang, their appearance shifting to reflect the time of day, say, or the shape of the exhibition space, or even the number of people in the room.
Cage described these canvasses as "airports of the lights, shadows and particles", and the following year he created 4'33", an aural equivalent. Though it is, in many respects, a soundless composition, Cage's intention was that 4'33" would similarly reflect the ambient sounds of wherever it was performed – the musicians, the room, the audience. After all, as Cage put it: "Everything we do is music."
This is, in many ways, how we hear all songs; 4'33" is simply the rawest example. The light, literal and metaphorical, affects the way that music falls on our ears; we hear a song differently indoors to outdoors, alone or in company, sitting still to when we are in motion. The aural canvas appears a different colour when we are in love, when we are in despair, when we have painted it with the layers of our emotional lives.
Cage once spoke of his experience of visiting an anechoic chamber and finding himself startled to hear not silence but two distinct sounds: "one high, my nervous system in operation, one low, my blood in circulation". Even without intention, he found, we are contributing to the music.
And I think there is something rather beautiful in the idea that if those silent four minutes and 33 seconds come to be played on Radio 1 this Christmas, we will each hear it quite differently; not a silent night at all, but a musical blank canvas coloured by the sound of our own blood pumping, by the lights, shadows and particles of our lives.
Laura Barton @'The Guardian'

WARNING: NSFW

The feminist left versus Julian Assange: how a fanatical belief in every sex crime allegation hurts everyone

An ansaphone message for you all from Armando Iannucci/Malcolm Tucker

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Blackwater Founder in Deal to Sell Company

Erik D. Prince, founder of the private security firm formerly known as Blackwater Worldwide, has reached a deal to sell his embattled firm to a small group of investors based in Los Angeles who have close ties to Mr. Prince, according to people briefed on the deal.
Blackwater, now called Xe Services, was once the United States’ go-to contractor in Iraq and Afghanistan. It has been under intense pressure since 2007, when Blackwater guards were accused of killing 17 civilians in Nisour Square in Baghdad. The company, its executives and personnel have faced civil lawsuits, criminal charges and congressional investigations surrounding accusations of murder and bribery. In April, federal prosecutors announced weapons charges against five former senior Blackwater executives, including its former president.
The sale, which is expected to be announced on Friday, came after the State Department threatened to stop awarding contracts to the company as long as Mr. Prince owned the firm, people involved in the discussions said. These people requested anonymity because they were not authorized to speak about the confidential talks. The sale is intended to help shake the stigma associated with its ownership under Mr. Prince...
Continue reading
 Andrew Ross Sorkin & Ben Protess @'DealB%k'

Photos of the Year

Kyrgyz riot policemen try to protect themselves during clashes with opposition supporters demonstrating against the government in Bishkek on April 7, 2010. Opposition followers killed Kyrgyzstan's interior minister, took the deputy prime minister hostage and captured state television in a deadly revolt on April 7 against President Kurmanbek Bakiyev. A source in the office of Interior Minister Moldomus Kongantiyev revealed that he had been killed in riots in the northwest hub of Talas where the first protests had erupted. (VYACHESLAV OSELEDKO/AFP/Getty Images)

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WSB - The Cut Ups (1966)

Wikileaks' Julian Assange tells of 'smear campaign'